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Since October 2017, Cabo Delgado Province has been an arena of armed conflict, translating into destruction and looting, abductions and killings of civilian populations. The conflict intensified throughout 2020, with attacks on district headquarters villages, leading to the forced displacement of hundreds of thousands of individuals. The history of armed conflicts in Mozambique shows that they have had enormous impacts on the civilian population, placed between two opposing groups: rebel...
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Since the October 2017 attacks by alleged Islamist insurgents, commonly referred to as Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama and locally know as Al Shabab, on Mocimboa da Praia, it has not been entirely clear who the attackers were, what their strategic objectives are and on whose domestic and international support they rely. This paper, grounded in a historical understanding of conflict in northern Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado Province, seeks to identify possible stakeholders and scenarios in what we no longer see as an insurgency, but a war.
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This article intends to reflect around the level of poverty and inequality existing among the various ethno-linguistic groups of the province, trying to gauge the extent to which they may be at the root of the current conflict. In this sense, 94 individuals were interviewed in the districts of Palma, Mocímboa da Praia, Macomia, Muidumbe and Montepuez (macuas, macondes, muânis and mácues), trying to understand what representations they build on the different ethno-linguistic groups in the...
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The August 2019 Maputo Accord on Peace and Reconciliation appears not to be standing on entirely solid ground. Not only has the decentralization agreement suffered from last minute ‘adulteration’, but also the DDR process has been lacking speed and rigour. The circumstances and outcomes of the October 2019 elections have cast doubt on the extent to which Renamo will abide to the August 2019 agreement. The party appears to be split on the matter of the – officially disowned armed Junta...
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This report uses a political economy analysis to shed light on some of the paradoxes that characterise Mozambique mid 2017: Entrenched poverty, the resuscitated armed conflict/war, the trust crisis between the Mozambican (Frelimo) government and its development partners, the spiralling debt and the party-state.
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Em Fevereiro de 2008 e Setembro de 2010, as cidades de Maputo e Matola foram palco de protestos violentos contra a subida do custo de vida, protagonizados por grupos de populares. Tais protestos foram logo depois replicados em algumas outras cidades do país, mas numa dimensão bem mais restrita e rapidamente controlados pelas forças policiais. Em Novembro de 2012, um novo protesto se desenhou, mas a acção repressiva imediata nos locais críticos de concentração dos populares pelas forças da...
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What can political economy analysis contribute to humanitarian aid interventions? How can agencies undertake such analysis in difficult environments? This chapter introduces the findings of a study (2001-2002) of four cases: Afghanistan, the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sierra Leone and the Casamance in Senegal. Political economy analysis is best conducted alongside existing humanitarian operational activities via integration into existing analytical tools.
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It is now part of received wisdom that humanitarian assistance in conflict and post-conflict situations may be ineffective or even counterproductive in the absence of an informed understanding of the broader political context in which so-called ‘complex political emergencies’ (CPEs) occur. Though recognising that specific cases have to be understood in their own terms, this article offers a framework for incorporating political analysis in policy design. It is based on a programme of...
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